An absence of any statutory law in Japan regarding donor conception creates uncertainty about the status of donors in relation to the child(ren) born as a result. Laws that provide for certainty regarding the status of the donor are called for, as are laws that address donor anonymity. It would be pragmatic to introduce a prospective system that requires open donation, allowing information to be recorded and released to donor-conceived people upon request. For past donations, a voluntary register should be established, which would allow those people who are seeking information to register this.

This article examines legislative provisions in Queensland and the Northern Territory, which allow for assisted reproductive technology (ART) service providers to discriminate against people based on their relationship status and/or sexuality. We provide several arguments that add weight to the recent proposal of the Queensland Human Rights Commission that the relevant section of the Anti-Discrimination Act 1991 (Qld) be repealed, and extend our arguments to the Northern Territory. The provisions in both jurisdictions are out of sync with key legal developments in the rest of Australia, do not accord with societal views, and are potentially invalid due to federal law. Further, the Queensland provision is potentially incompatible with the Human Rights Act 2019 (Qld). Although currently ART service providers do not appear to discriminate based on relationship status or sexuality, the current legislative framework leaves open the potential to do so, without an avenue for those impacted to challenge it in law. We conclude such provisions should be repealed.

In responding to the COVID-19 pandemic, democratic states around the world have massively expanded executive powers. Much of this transfer of power has occurred by the delegation of legislative power from parliament to the executive. As will be explained, delegated legislation is a process of executive law-making whereby government ministers, departments, agencies or other officers are empowered to make regulations with the force of law. Although these powers can arguably be justified in some circumstances because of the need for swift and decisive action, there is room for reaonable debate about the scope, duration and conditions of such executive powers. Concerningly, scholars have demonstrated that the checks and balances that ordinarily constrain constitutional governance have come, during the pandemic, to tolerate many unbounded executive powers.

How does online misinformation affect citizen’s likelihood to vote? The risk of fake news on social media does not only lie in the false narratives spread by manipulated content but also in the misplaced confidence cultivated by the way fake news is consumed. Both should be considered when evaluating the impact of fake news on political behavior. We examine a non-probability sample comprising 23,996 college students across the Philippines a year before the 2022 national elections to see the individual effects of misinformation susceptibility and confidence on voting. Contrary to previous empirical work, ordered logistic regression analyses reveal that both confidence and information accuracy are crucial predictors in voting likelihood. We also find empirical evidence for dissatisfaction with the President and the third person effect being significant factors in one’s choice to vote.