Phai thu nhan cai nhin tong quan ma toi dua ra o day chi la mot trong so rat nhieu dieu co the viet ra. No duoc thuat lai chu yeu dua tren mot cuon sach vua duoc xuat ban gan day la Phe binh sinh thai Dong Nam A, do nha xuat ban Lexington phat hanh. Cuon sach nay, thuc chat, la mot each tiep can co y chung cat Dong Nam A thanh mot hinh thai chung co the thong hieu duoc qua viec quan sat nhung duong bien chinh tri cua no, ma mot vai trong so nhung duong bien ay da duoc tao thanh tu thoi thuc dan, trong khi mot vai trong so do lai tuong ung voi nhung duong bien tu nhien cua nhung dong song, nhung vung bien, nhung day nui doi; va tat ca chung lai cung tao thanh nhung duong phan ranh gioi cac khu vuc van hoa, ngon ngu va sinh thai khac nhau. Chang han, trong cuon Nghien cuu Dong Nam A xuat ban lan dau tien nam 1971, hai nha su hoc David Chandler va William Roff cung voi nhung cong su cua ho da luu y rang, thuat ngu Dong Nam A chi bat dau duoc su dung pho bien nhu la mot dinh danh dia ly sau cuoc chien tranh Viet Nam nhung nam 60-70 the ki XX.

As agents of healing, purveyors of ornamentation, symbols of inspiration, inciters of attraction, and repositories of beauty, flowers hold special roles in human societies worldwide (for example, see Goody). Engineered into hybrids and raised in greenhouses, cultivated flowers have particular affinities with people as common members of domesticated spheres. For example, in seventeenth-century Holland, the over-zealous love of flowers galvanised the social and economic furore over tulip flowers and bulbs known as 'tulipmania' (Goldgar 7).

'Forest Family' arose initially out of the interest of Rod Giblett in the early pioneering history of his family during the mid-nineteenth century in the south-west forests of Western Australia. The book also arose out of a desire not to write the typical kind of family history that would only appeal to other members of the family. In general, family histories focus exclusively on people, and not on the places and their plants and animals that shaped and affected the family and its history. Such histories tend to ignore or downplay the plants, animals, and places that are agents and players in the family history. These might only have supporting or walk-on roles in the story, and the natural environment might only provide a backdrop against which human action takes place.

FloraCultures is a 2013 pilot project in development with Kings Park and Botanic Garden in Perth, Western Australia, and funded by Edith Cowan University's Early Career Researcher grant scheme. The project aims to develop a model for documenting the plant-based cultural heritage of 30-50 indigenous species occurring in the Kings Park bushland (Figure 1). The FloraCultures initiative (www.FloraCultures.org.au) integrates archival and digital design techniques, creating a unique web portal of potential interest to a range of users- from first-time tourists and amateur naturalists to heritage consultants and environmental conservationists (Figure 2). The initiative reflects the belief that research into environmental heritage (defined broadly to encompass natural and cultural heritage and tangible and intangible theory) is integral to the conservation of flora and fauna in their ecological habitats. The project stresses that the appreciation of biodiversity for its cultural significance helps to sustain broader conservation values.

Why were certain Southwest Australian plants privileged as beautiful, whilst others were considered of no consequence in the aesthetic imagination of colonial European botanists, settlers and visitors? A response to this rather complex question is prompted by a reading of the first substantial published European account of the flora of Western Australia, John Lindley's 'A Sketch of the Vegetation of the Swan River Colony' (hereafter referred to as 'A Sketch'), published in three instalments between 1839 and 1840. Lindley's document represents an early European endeavour to demystify the plant life of the Swan River. Through the publication, the vegetation of the colony was ushered into the global marketplace by a particular style of value-laden scientific writing.

The ancient aesthetics of 'yijing' has played a crucial role in traditional Chinese philosophy, literature and art since the eighth century CE. Defined variously by early and contemporary writers, 'yijing' links an artist's emotional domain to objects in the world. This article conceptualises 'yijing' as an ecological aesthetics and distinguishes it from an environmental aesthetics. In particular, two aspects of 'yijing' render it an eco-aesthetics: subject-object correspondence (or 'engagement'); and empathic identification with the environment (or 'bio-empathy'). Three brief case studies from urban planning, environmental conservation and the creative arts demonstrate the contemporary importance of 'yijing' to ecological issues.

This paper presents the conceptual challenges to an aesthetic model of living plants based in embodied interaction with flora through smell, taste, touch, sound and sight. I argue that the science of aesthetics is deterministically visual. Drawing from theories of landscape aesthetics put forth by Carlson and Berleant, I outline four primary obstacles to an embodied aesthetics: plants as objects of sight, plants as objects of art, plants as objects of disinterestedness and plants as objects of scientific discourse. A multi-sensorial aesthetics of flora requires auto-centric proximity and degrees of intersubjectivity between the appreciator and the appreciated plant that raise important philosophical questions about aesthetic experience of the natural world.

Within the wide-ranging context provided by Chapters 1 and 2, I situate 'Forest Family: Australian Culture, Art, and Trees'. The old-growth eucalypts of the Southwest of Western Australia are non-human protagonists in the narrative of the Giblett family (Chapters 4 and 5) and the seminal forest protection campaigns of the 1990s (Chapter 8) that swept the region and resulted in models for subsequent environmental activism in Australia. Central to this narrative are karri ('Eucalyptus diversicolor') and its companion species jarrah ('E. marginata'). Karris cover roughly 200,000 hectares, or 500,000 acres, about one-fifth of which is classified as old-growth. The iconic forests and charismatic trees are limited principally to a high-rainfall coastal strip extending from the towns of Nannup in the north, Augusta in the south-west, and Denmark in the south-east.

Over the last 30 years, environmental philosophers and ecological researchers have turned their attention to the possibilities of narratives: the stories people tell about their lives in conjunction with the human and non-human agents they live with. An interest in narrative environmental ethics reflects a re-evaluation of canonical ecophilosophical texts. Works such as Paul W. Taylor's 'Respect for Nature' suggest an essentialist view of environmental ethics in which predetermined principles are imposed on places and situations. On the other hand, Aldo Leopold's 'A Sand County Almanac' combines first-person prose with science-based explanations of the "biotic pyramid" towards the development of a land ethic. Examples, such as Leopold's, of narrative ethics are thought to offer relational, place-based, non-authoritative, and non-anthropocentric models. This article examines three critical components of environmental narratives: self, context, and tradition. In order for environmental narratives to advance ecological ethics, they must be accompanied by the tradition of natural science (geology, ecology, and evolution) to provide the 'sponsoring ground' for ethical concern and action. The role of natural science as a tradition-and indeed one of many-in narrative ethics provides the basis for ecological selfhood in the context of place. These assertions will be supported by an analysis of the environmental narratives of Karen Warren and Jim Cheney. However, in the temporally expansive and ecologically conscious poetic narratives of John Kinsella we find an environmental ethics deeply rooted in the material realities of place.

This chapter proposes the idea of literary ethnobotany as both a conceptual framework for reading classical Burmese poetry and as a subgenre of the nature poetry tradition of the "Golden Age" of Burmese literature prior to British colonisation. In general, works of literary ethnobotany narrate aspects of human interactions with and uses of plants as food, fiber, medicine, decoration, enjoyment, pleasure and spiritual investment. This chapter briefly traces the origin of literary ethnobotany back to the late fifteenth-century tawla tradition of the forest journey in Burma. Subsequent poets, such as UK yaw, invoked the tawla in the nineteenth century in poems that express the beauty and multisensoriality of the botanical world as well as traditional uses of flora by villagers for subsistence purposes. In Burma and the Southeast Asian region today, literary ethnobotany has the potential to serve as a vital means to preserve rapidly disappearing traditional understandings of plants.