"Once the land stretched away without names. Nameless headlands split the surf ; nameless lakes reflected nameless mountains ; and nameless rivers flowed through nameless valleys into nameless bays. Men came at last, tribe following tribe, speaking different languages and thinking different thoughts. According to their ways of speech and thought they gave names, and in their generations laid their bones by the streams and hills they had named. But even when tribes and languages had vanished, some of those old names, reshaped, still lived in the speech of those who followed." G. R. Stewart, Names on the Land. 'New York', 1945. These are the words which open a general survey of place-names in the United States of America. Although they are used of the New World, they are, as they stand, also applicable to Europe.

It is a commonplace in the criticism of Old English literature to state that the whole poetic technique was a heritage from Germanic heathendom. It is, similarly, widely admitted, that the ideas, which were given heathen dress, meant a great deal - in some vague way - to the minds of the early English. It is not so generally agreed that a close analysis of this received material may still yield us some knowledge of the ways in which our ancestors regarded their deities. In the course of this paper I propose to confine my attention to the cult of the god, Woden, and to the various practices which were associated with his name.

Place names of European origin are as varied as the indigenous ones and record a great variety of incidents and topics once of interest and significance to a greater or lesser number of residents. In the case of this area we can do no better than trace through chronologically the toponymic evidence of the various influences which have left traces of their passage on the countryside. Although those matters may lie in the past, once the place names are analysed and ordered they can be shown to register vividly turning points, slight or important, in local history or in the 'climate of thought' of the settlers. Place names have been likened to the ghosts of the country, since no shrines commemorate them at the crossroads. Yet historical investigation does serve to help us to embody these former presences and to see these names not as mere words performing a function of identification, but as evidence of settlement and of spontaneous bestowal for specific reasons. On the whole, they commemorate the history of 'little men', than whose work there is none of more importance in the development of the area. The great names occur at the beginning and they are soon followed by those of the men who actually settled the country.

The subject of toponomy or the study of place names has long been viewed with suspicion in Australia and consigned by serious scholars to some sort of lunatic fringe where the amateur antiquarian and etymologist have been allowed to sport themselves unchallenged. The bulk of the work done to date has been occasional in appearance, uneven in scholarship and value as to its overall aims. The reasons for this state of affairs in Australia would seem to be obvious - the subject has belonged to no recognised field and has not appealed sufficiently to any discipline; the records are, at best, fragmentary, and no general system of attack has been evolved; the often ridiculous views of uninformed individuals have gained wide currency through the press; no system of close analysis of the names of a given area has ever been given the correct sort of publicity. In view of the recently awakened interest in Australian place names, it should be of interest to members of this society to see some of the methods of approach and analysis applied to names in an area with which they will already be reasonably familiar.

The subject of toponymy or the study of place-names has long been viewed with suspicion in Australia and consigned by serious scholars to some sort of lunatic fringe where the amateur antiquarian and etymologist have been allowed to sport themselves unchallenged. The bulk of the work to date has been occasional in appearance, uneven in scholarship and vague as to its overall aims. The reasons for this state of affairs in Australia would seem to be obvious - the subject has belonged to no recognized field and has not appealed sufficiently to any discipline ; the records are, at best, fragmentary and no general system of attack has been evolved ; the often ridiculous views of uninformed individuals have gained wide currency through the press ; no system of close analysis of the names of a given area has ever been given the correct sort of publicity. In view of the recently awakened interest in Australian place-names, it should be of interest to members of this society to see some of the methods of approach and analysis applied to names in an area with which they will already be reasonably familiar. It was noted of the subject in the British Isles that "The study of place-names may be said to stand to history and ethnology in somewhat the same relation as the study of fossils stands to geology. Each group or set of fossils represents, with more or less strictness, a distinct age of geologic time as, roughly speaking, does each group of place names represent a period of historic or prehistoric time." For Australia the statement needs modification, since Australia's early history was not recorded and before the coming of the white man the Aboriginal native knew no writing and kept no records. What history the Aboriginal names tell us is scarcely political or even tribal but rather concerned with the social life, the flora and the fauna and the prominent features of the topography. Aboriginal names in our area are a fair proportion of the whole, but where they have survived and not been replaced, in many instances there is no known interpretation of the significance. In spite of this limitation, the names do tell us something of the various matters once deemed worthy of attention and designation in the surrounding landscape.

It has often been held that the number of native names occurring within the area of a tribal run depended directly upon the many creeks, waterholes, hills, rocks, or other natural features contained in the area for which there were special associations. In view of the very fragmentary nature of the records it is necessary to analyse the names from several such regions to obtain a reasonably representative overall picture. While the names are, generally, descriptive of the physical scene, they often commemorate particular associations, social and mental, events or situations - all of interest to us to-day. They serve as a mirror of the flora, the fauna, the changing landscape and the social history of the people who occupied regions now utilized in very different ways. While the actual collection of place-name material is a linguistic matter and the isolated toponym gives direct evidence of a linguistic nature only, the names have a generality not to say universality, that is denied to other antiquarian material and lacking in archaeological and historical evidence. By virtue of their spontaneous bestowal and the lack of calculated human interference in place names, they may often be deemed more reliable than uneven observation by historians or indirect inference by archaeologists. They are not merely intriguing as so many laymen often feel, but, after collation and proper presentation, they have an authority which is indisputable. Before embarking on the analysis of the names of the area chosen, I would like to pay a tribute to the work of many in an earlier day in collecting information from the inhabitants of the area in question. Despite inadequate phonetic or linguistic training, they recorded in isolation as accurately as they were able names which coincide to a remarkable degree with other independently verifiable evidence. The unsung heroes of this work are the officials of the Departments of Mines, of Lands and of Police, all of whom listed the odd items of vocabulary and nomenclature which their superiors catalogued in due course. It should be stated that the study is fraught with pitfalls, one of which is that it is not always clear whether a name is a toponym or a generic term. Where there is a reasonable inference that the former type is involved, the name has been included. This has been thought advisable in view of the need to preserve as fully as possible this record of the different modes of thought of the native race and the very different natural ecology and social fabric which all these names perpetuate.

Because of the elementary state of comparative philology and dialectology for the Australian aboriginal languages, there has not as yet been any considerable study of roots and root residuums. The following account of one such set of concepts is offered as a study of the interaction of etymology and folklore, since each throws light on the other. The words in question are those for 'bear' and 'water' in the languages of Victoria and the North Coast of New South Wales. One cannot but be struck with the vast amount of curious legendary lore which is bound up in Australian native words. The root itself, the expression of a general and material concept, may have a residuum of folklore adhering to it in the legends of one tribe. It is tempting to feel that the word and the allied concepts may have been adopted into other dialects by the agency of intermediate neighbouring tribes.

I must thank you for the offer of a reply to the letter from Mr. P. L. Brown, commenting on my "Memorials of Ireland, etc." (V.H.M. Vol. XXXV, No. 2, pp. 79-88). It is unfortunate that all the records and index materials to which I would need reference for a detailed reply are at present in Australia, and so beyond my reach. In several cases in my article I was not emphatic in the ascription of origins, since the authorities (largely those listed in the bibliographies to J. G. Saxton, 'Victorian Place Names', etc., and to T. O'Callaghan, 'Names of Victorian Railway Stations') were not as conclusive as they might have been. To save space and still give reasonable weight to the evidence available to me, I adopted the method as in the article.

"All, all must perish; but, surviving last, The love of letters half preserves the past. True, some decay, yet not a few revive: Though those shall sink, which now appear to thrive, As custom arbitrates, whose shifting sway Our life and language must alike obey." --Byron, 'Hints from Horace'. Although place-names might not be first thought of in a search for evidence of literary tastes, many names on the map of this country bear witness to the books with popular appeal in past generations and particularly during the nineteenth century, the age when cultured taste found expression in the unlikely field of toponomy. If we ignore the frequent but general references to classical literature in the bestowals of the period up to 1830, we may find many names with specific associations in the early literature of Western Europe and of England. One of the earliest, Vaucluse (in New South Wales) was given to his estate there by W. C. Wentworth in 1827 in honour of the little village in France where Petrarch was born and first saw his Laura. Another ancient name, this time with Arthurian associations, is Avalon (New South Wales) which commemorates the Somerset hamlet where Joseph of Arimathea, St. Patrick and King Arthur are all said to have been.

The one great heroic character to be found in the works of Charles Dickens is Sydney Carton, the cultivated wastrel in the strongly dramatic book, 'A Tale of Two Cities' (1859). As the double of the aristocrat Charles Darnay, the Englishman sacrificed himself under the guillotine on behalf of his rival in love. It is not often realized that there is a peculiar and, in part, causal link between the country of New Zealand and the personality of this fictional hero.

Since his death some two and a half years ago, C. S. Lewis (the University's foundation Professor of Mediaeval and Renaissance English) - has had his memory unnecessarily blurred by a tide of monographs, miscellaneous essays and lecture notes published posthumously, poetic trivia scraped together, and the uneasy and donnish tribute of 'Light on Lewis', a book rightly viewed with distaste by the more perceptive. Whether the 'Letters', edited by his elder brother, soldier and historian of France, W. H. Lewis, will be the last or the most penetrating commentary on him remains to be seen. Yet it is certainly true that in his introductory "Memoir" and his actual editing of the letters selected, Warren Lewis has done signal service, both for what he reveals, and for the taste and manliness with which he carries out his role as editor, brother (and thus fellow childhood sufferer), and friend. The introductory study is of importance to the student of Lewis's mind as it reveals, in a way that 'Surprised by Joy' did not, the traumatic in the writer's background, notably the smothering yet aloof personality of the father, the anxieties he caused (p. 172), and the burden which Lewis had upon him for nearly 32 years, that of the widowed mother of one of his former brother officers, whose own association with the stripling cadet must have been of the briefest duration. Of limited mind, dominating and of possessive temperament, she had a genius for creating domestic chaos and imposed "a restrictive and distracting servitude for many of his most fruitful years" (p. 12). Warren Lewis also gives us the most explicit details of the agonies endured before the apparently automatic academic career was, in fact, successfully begun ; inside information about the famed literary coterie, so abused by F. R. Leavis and others as Anglo-Parnassus, but self-styled as the Inklings and which outlasted the leftists and became one of the Establishment's brighter jewels. At its head and holding the group together Lewis was his most blustering, genial and masculine self.

"Austral English" means all the new words and all the new uses of old words that have been added to the English language by reason of the fact that those who speak English have taken up their residence in Australia and New Zealand. E.E. Morris, Austral English, (1898), p. xi. For practical purposes, Australia may be said to have been settled by England from 1788, and New Zealand from 1835.

Two recent papers have focused on the question of case. Hale in his paper presented at A.N.Z.A.A.S. Congress, 1967, began with a set of hypotheses, proceeded to discuss case and voice in two Australian languages, and was forced to conclude "our initial typological correlation is itself jeopardized." One of his hypotheses was "case is not a property of deep structures." Fillmore in his paper has suggested that "the case notions comprise a set of universal, presumably innate concepts which identify certain types of judgments which human beings are capable of making on the events that are going on around them, judgments on such matters as who did it, who it happened to and what got changed."

1. Metabolism of urea in non-pregnant and pregnant sheep (1–25 d from term) has been examined. Injections of (14C) urea were used to estimate urea entry rate, urea pool size and urea space in sheep given 1000g of a diet of equal parts of crushed oats and chaffed lucerne hay (day a) and in the same sheep 4 d after the ration had been reduced to 250 g (day b). 2. On both experimental days (a and b), mean pool size was greater (14% on day a, 29% on day b) and urea space was greater (54% on day a, 24% on day b) in pregnant animals than in non-pregnant animals; mean plasma urea concentrations were lower (35%) in the pregnant animals on day a but were not significantly different on day b. 3. The entry rate of urea was similar in all the animals on day a, but was significantly higher (34%) in pregnant than in non-pregnant animals on day b. There was a significant decrease in urea entry rate in both pregnant (33%) and non-pregnant (86%) animals on day b. 4. The rate of excretion of urea was lower (26% on day a, 35% on day b) in pregnant animals, indicating a higher (31% on day a, 40% on day b) rate of degradation of urea in the digestive tract of pregnant as compared with non-pregnant sheep. 5. Measurements of urea entry rate have been used to calculate the upper limit of amino acid deamination in pregnant and non-pregnant sheep, and this has been used as an indication of the potential availability of amino acid carbon for glucose synthesis. It is suggested that, at a maximum, amino acids may have contributed the carbon required for 63 g/d and 52 g/d of glucose on days a and b respectively.

Contemporary Thunderbolt Balladry: Of all the tales of the Australian bushrangers, with the exception of Edward Kelly, none has left behind a richer tradition of lore and legend than the notorious Frederick Ward, alias Captain Thunderbolt. His reign was a long one, beginning in 1863 and ending with his death on May 25th, 1870, a period of seven years. His activities were confined almost exclusively to the New England district.

A comprehensive Bibliography for the Linguistic Area of English, listing details of -- Reports, Historical Surveys, Organization, Congresses; Methodology, Terminology, Cognate Disciplines; Etymology, Lists of Names, Sources: a) Toponymy, b) Anthroponymy, c) Ethnonymy, Names of Languages, and d) Other Names. Bibliography listing also details -- Orthography, Transcription, Pronunciation, Transliteration; Translation and Grammar: Phonology, Morphology, Syntax, Semantics, Typology; and Sociology, Psychology of Names.

VII. Oceanic Languages Bibliography describes a listing of resources, arranged by subject, and includes sources on Etymology, Lists of Names, Sources - a) Toponymy, b) Anthroponymy, and c) Ethnonymy, Names of Languages.

'B. Australian' Bibliography describes a listing of resources, arranged by subject, and includes sources on Etymology, Lists of Names, Sources - a) Toponymy, b) Anthroponymy, c) Ethnonymy, Names of Languages and d) Other Names. Grammar: Phonology, Morphology, Syntax, Semantics, Typology; and Sociology, Psychology of Names sources are also listed.

1. To obtain a quantitative model for nitrogen pathways in sheep, a study of ammonia and urea metabolism was made by using isotope dilution techniques with [15N]ammonium sulphate and [15N]urea and [14C]urea.2.Single injection and continuous infusion techniques of isotope dilution were used for measuring ammonia and urea entry rates. 3. Sheep were given 33 g of chaffed lucerne hay every hour; the mean dietary N intake was 23.4 g/d. 4. It was estimated that 59% of the dietary N was digested in the reticulo-rumen; 29% of the digested N was utilized as amino acids by the micro-organisms, and 71 % was degraded to ammonia. 5.Of the 14.2 g N/d entering the ruminal ammonia pool, 9.9 g N/d left and did not return to the pool, the difference of 4.3 g N/d represented recycling,largely within the rumen itself (through the pathways : ruminal ammonia > microbial protein > amino acids > ammonia). 6. Urea was synthesized in the body at a rate of 18.4 g N/d from 2.0 g N/d of ammonia absorbed through the rumen wall and 16.4 g N/d apparently arising from deaniination of amino acids and ammonia absorbed from the lower digestive tract. 7. In the 24 h after intraruminal injection of [15N]ammonium salt, 40-50 % of the N entering the plasma urea pool arose from ruminal ammonia; 26% of the 15N injected was excreted in urinary N. 8. Although 5-1 g N/d as urea was degraded apparently in the digestive tract, only 1.2 g N/d appeared in ruminal ammonia; it is suggested that the remainder may have been degraded in the lower digestive tract. 9. A large proportion of the urea N entering the digestive tract is apparently degraded and absorbed and the ammonia incorporated in the pools of nitrogenous compounds that turn over only slowly. This may be a mechanism for the continuous supply to the liver of ammonia for these syntheses. 10. There was incorporation of 15N into bacterial fractions isolated from rumen contents after intraruminal and intravenous administration of [15N]ammonium salts and [l5N]urea respectively. 11. A model for N pathways in sheep is proposed and, for this diet, many of the pool sizes and turn-over rates have been either deduced or estimated directly.

"Australia's largest non-British and yet probably least understood - or most misunderstood - minority", W. D. BORRIE, p. vi of the Foreword to J. A. HEMPEL'S 'Italians in Queensland' (I959). It is appropriate to embark upon a survey of this kind at a time when migration to Australia from overseas has lost momentum and the economic recession of 1971, together with changing public attitudes, make it likely that there will be a considerable diminution in immigration from Europe, and that this external source of population increase for Australia may be relatively ignored for many years. It has also been the case, from the late I960s, that with the improvement of the West-European economy and the creation of the Common Market, the source was already running out and that the Italian influence had almost certainly reached its all-time peak. Referring particularly to the post World War II influx Professor BORRIE more than a decade ago asked the following questions, "Where have these people settled, what occupations have they followed, how have they brought their families together, ... have Italians integrated to any degree with Australians, do Australians want or expect them to do so - ?" (op. cit., p. vi). While these questions are demographic and social and the answers belong strickly to spheres other than language, it is the case that the surviving pointers may ultimately be held to be linguistic and to have been fossilized both in speech and literature.