It has previously been assumed that New England high-country environments were not conducive to intense Aboriginal occupation and associated ceremonial activities. How productive were upland wetlands (lagoons) for Aboriginal occupation of high country in eastern Australia through time? Especially during their intermittent phases, upland lagoons provide a diverse and changing mix of deep water, marsh and the green pick of recently exposed lake bed, a rich aggregation of both plant and animal resources not available in other environments. Upland wetlands can be a surprisingly productive Aboriginal resource in an otherwise harsh country, and would at times allow for high population aggregations, such as for ceremonies. We surveyed the ecological literature on New England lagoon characteristics, on vegetation and on birds and other fauna used as resources by Aboriginal people. This was then compared with palaeo-environmental data to prepare an account of potential resources for the New England region over time. We found that overall productivity of lagoons can be high, with large numbers of plant and animal species present in the wetland environment, especially in the early and very late Holocene. Productivity is highest not at the lake-full stage, but when the moist littoral zones are at their most extensive. The reasons for the apparent sparseness of occupation of the high country before the mid-Holocene are unresolved but open to informed speculation about the changing resource inventory of the wetlands, and the mid-Holocene appearance of new technologies that may have enabled more efficient use of resources. In the later Holocene, Aboriginal occupation in upland areas became visible in the record, and included an exceptionally high number of ceremonial sites juxtaposed with the areas of greatest lagoon concentration. This suggests either that these wetlands had become more productive and diverse over time or that people had learnt how to make better use of the available wetland resources, to the point of supporting the larger numbers often associated with ceremonial activity. More research into the location and chronology of wetland archaeological sites is required to resolve the question of whether the apparent early lack of sites is a question of visibility or a real hiatus.

This paper describes the results and implications of recent excavations on the Hamersley Iron Brockman 4 tenement, near Tom Price, Western Australia. Results concentrate on two rock shelters with Aboriginal occupation starting at least 32,000 years ago and extending throughout the Last Glacial period. Preliminary observations are proposed concerning the nature of Aboriginal foraging patterns as displayed in the flaked stone and faunal records for the Brockman region.

As part of the environmental impact assessment (EIA) process, the Hunter Valley has been subject to decades of archaeological investigations involving many Aboriginal stakeholder groups. This paper critically discusses the EIA process, specifically the Aboriginal cultural heritage assessment (ACHA) process and the Aboriginal consultation requirements (ACHRs) for New South Wales (NSW) drawing on our collective experience of cultural heritage management (CHM) in the Hunter Valley. We examine the definition of 'values' and the identification of heritage within the history of relevant legislation in NSW to critique the ACHA process in the Hunter Valley. We introduce the relevance of the concept 'solastalgia', relating concerns for heritage to effects of 'environmental distress' from the cumulative impacts of mining and its relevance to the ACHA process. CHM legislation and practice is currently under review by the NSW State government, we hope to stimulate constructive dialogue on these issues based on our collective experience.

The first Australians are believed to have arrived by boat some 50-60,000 years ago with the northern coastline of the continent a likely beach-head. The prospect of intact or even partial remains of ancient watercraft turning up in the archaeological record is remote. The expansion and contraction or the coastline over the last 60,000 years means that early landing sites would have been inundated as sea levels rose and fell, and the organic materials, perhaps wood or other plant material, from which such early watercraft would have been constructed have long since rotted away. Rock art assemblages from Australia's north then, represent the most likely record of venturesome mariners, who may have reached the coast over the millennia since initial occupation, or of watercraft constructed by Aboriginal inhabitants settled in coastal regions.

This discussion of archeology of cognition is concerned primarily with the evolutionary emergence of the cognition particular to modern humans but there is an implication for the evolution of cognition among modern humans. Archaeological evidence can provide important insights into the evolutionary emergence of human cognition, but theoretical considerations are fundamental in understanding what sorts of cognition there might have been between the ape-like common ancestor and modern humans. Archeology is the only source of evidence for the behavior associated with such theoretical stages. Cognitive archeology, therefore, involves an iterative interaction between theory from outside archeology and more or less direct evidence from the past. This review considers the range of possible evidence from archeology and genetics and summarizes some of the results of analysis of nonhuman primates particularly to assess characteristics of the last common ancestor (LCA) of apes and humans. The history of changes in size and shape of the brain since separation from other apes introduces the need to assess the appropriate cognitive theories to interpret such evidence. The review concentrates on two such approaches: Baddeley's working memory model as interpreted by Coolidge and Wynn, and Barnard’s interacting cognitive subsystems as it has been elaborated to define the cognitive conditions for hominins between the LCA and modern people. Most of the rest of the review considers how the evidence from stone tools might be consistent with such theoretical models of cognition. This evidence is consistent with views that modern human behavior only emerged in the last 100,000 years (or so) but it gives an explanation for that in terms of cognition.

"Austral English" means all the new words and all the new uses of old words that have been added to the English language by reason of the fact that those who speak English have taken up their residence in Australia and New Zealand. E.E. Morris, Austral English, (1898), p. xi. For practical purposes, Australia may be said to have been settled by England from 1788, and New Zealand from 1835.

'Archaeologists make up stories about the past, but not just any stories.' Archaeological stories are written principally from the interpretation of material remains. Increasingly we also use evidence from a variety of other sources, such as genetics and linguistics. In Australia, as in other countries colonised from Europe, the stories are about the past of Indigenous peoples and so are generally believed to have an important relationship with the ethnographic description of traditional behaviour. But the relationship is not straightforward. Ethnographic accounts show that there are oral and other histories that account for the way those people are. For this reason, archaeological histories are not always easily adopted by Aboriginal Australians, particularly as they are, in almost all cases, written by non-Aboriginal people. I suggest that an alternative approach is to look at the record of ethnographies and historical material culture around Australia as indicating what is to be explained through the analysis of archaeological materials, just as geneticists and linguists begin from the analysis of the variation in modern samples. An archaeological approach to the diversity of peoples in Australia requires an understanding of the symbolic construction of identity in the past. But symbols, because of their very nature, are difficult to interpret, so special care is needed to work out how the diversity was constructed, and attention needs to be paid to different scales of analysis. Archaeology has proceeded rather as other sciences proceed, by putting up hypotheses, testing them, and moving on to the next hypothesis once the test is satisfactorily conducted. The conclusions must be understood as historical though the methods of arriving at them are like the process of science. In this regard, just as an unchanging Dreaming is said to be successively revealed as new claims are established, so archaeological history, too, is successively revealed.

The emergence of stone-tipped projectile weaponry was an important event in hominin evolution. A common archaeological approach to identifying projectile weapons is to extrapolate from optimal values of ballistically-relevant attributes as determined from ethnographic North American weapons and modern experiments. Among the most significant of these attributes is "tip cross-sectional area" (TCSA) because it determines a point's efficiency in penetrating an animal. The warranting argument for projecting these data onto prehistoric artefact's is that past "research and development" necessarily led to stone projectiles with optimal TCSA values for a given delivery system. However, our test of this warranting argument, involving analysis of 132 hafted ethnographic Australian stone projectile points and 102 hafted knives, demonstrates that Aborigines did not optimize TCSA values, thus offering a challenge to TCSA-based narratives about the first appearance of projectile weaponry. This illustrates the difficulty of inferring ancient stone workers' design intentions from narrowly-defined optimal values. Instead, tool designs should be considered in the context of the reduction sequences that produced them and the dynamics of transmission of those reduction sequences across generations.

The 'Movius Line' is the putative technological demarcation line mapping the easternmost geographical distribution of Acheulean bifacial tools. It is traditionally argued by proponents of the Movius Line that 'true' Acheulean bi faces, especially hand axes, are only found in abundance in Africa and western Eurasia, whereas in eastern Asia, in front of the 'line', these implements are rare or absent altogether. Here we argue, however, that the Movius Line relies on classifying undated surface bi faces as Acheulean on typological grounds alone, a long-standing and widely accepted practice in Africa and western Eurasia, but one that is not seen as legitimate in eastern Asian contexts. A review of the literature shows that bifaces are relatively common as surface finds in Southeast Asia and on this basis we argue that the Movius Line is in need of reassessment.

The combination of bifacial percussion and pressure flaking to make stone tools was repeatedly invented in prehistory. Bifacial percussion and pressure technology is well documented in North America, Europe, Africa, and Asia, but a separate and poorly understood center of innovation occurred in the Kimberley Region of Northwest Australia. Stone points first appeared there ca 4.5 kya and bifacial Kimberley Points emerged by ca 1.4 kya. Aboriginal flintknappers made Kimberley Points using traditional methods until the recent past. This study analyzes stone artifacts from 335 sites in the remote Northwest Kimberley and documents a sophisticated bifacial technology that involved seven "tactical sets" - four of them exclusive to manufacturing these points - applied in five strategic phases. It is proposed that bifacial thinning ultimately arose in response to social forces operating across Kimberley Aboriginal societies in response to demographic pressures from neighboring Aboriginal groups. The repeated invention of bifacial flaking in prehistory may be related to the messaging made possible by the manufacturing approach itself - both in virtuoso technical performance and the flexible way bifacial performances could be distributed across the natural and social landscape.

This paper presents the results and interpretations of a pilot study of pigment characterisations conducted between 2002 and 2006 on the rock art assemblage of the south Woronora Plateau located immediately west of Wollongong, New South Wales. Eighteen samples from ten sites are described. Analyses of the geochemistry, mineralogy and micro-morphology of samples was undertaken using a combination of scanning electron microscopy including energy dispersive x-ray analysis, x-ray diffraction, particle induced x-ray emission and particle induced gamma-ray emission techniques. With one exception the analyses show that composite clay-based paints were used to produce both iconic and non-iconic rock art on the Woronora Plateau and adjacent Mittagong Tablelands. We discuss differences in the processing of paints used for iconographic and stencil art, and consider the possible chronological and behavioural implications of paint chemistry and morphology. The results of the study, while indicative, provide an exciting example of the type of archaeometric work which can be undertaken successfully in the taphonomically complex Hawkesbury Sandstone rockshelters of the Sydney Basin.

Around 88 large vertebrate taxa disappeared from Sahul sometime during the Pleistocene, with the majority of losses (54 taxa) clearly taking place within the last 400,000 years. The largest was the 2.8-ton browsing 'Diprotodon optatum', whereas the 100- to 130-kg marsupial lion, 'Thylacoleo carnifex', the world's most specialized mammalian carnivore, and 'Varanus priscus', the largest lizard known, were formidable predators. Explanations for these extinctions have centered on climatic change or human activities. Here, we review the evidence and arguments for both. Human involvement in the disappearance of some species remains possible but unproven. Mounting evidence points to the loss of most species before the peopling of Sahul (circa 50-45 ka) and a significant role for climate change in the disappearance of the continent's megafauna.

A vague notion of 'wanderlust' seems to be the driving force in many narratives about hominin migration (e.g. Dennell and Roebroeks 2005), but, true to the zeitgeist, O'Connell and Allen have shown us that wanderlust is all about food. The strength of behavioural ecology is the explicit nature of the underlying assumptions and the clear connection between forager theory, predictive statements and archaeological evidence. Summarising several optimal foraging models, O'Connell and Allen conclude that optimising hominins are pulled from patch to patch by the serial depletion of highest ranked resources. The logic of their scenario is straightforward: the archaeological record shows that humans colonised Wallacea and Sahul, and the theoretical model stipulates that forager movement is linked to exploitation of highest ranked prey, therefore colonisation was driven by the pursuit of highest ranked prey. One might question whether certain assumptions of optimal foraging models - for example, that foragers have perfect resource knowledge and the perfect ability to exploit it - would apply to the first wave of colonists to cross the Wallace Line, but the successful colonisation itself might be de facto evidence that the costs of imperfect knowledge were not prohibitively high. O'Connell and Allen posit that, after colonisation, movement between patches in pursuit of highest ranked prey became the norm as foragers made nearly-continuous readjustment to unstable climatic conditions.

The first colonization of the Greater Australian continent, known as Sahul, indicated that humans had modern cognitive ability. Such modern human abilities probably emerged earlier in Africa. I will argue that the only way we can identify what constitutes modern human behavior is to look at the record in Australia - the first place colonized only by modern humans. I place this argument within recent theorizing about cognitive evolution.

One of the largest concentrations of rock paintings in Australia is found in the rugged Kimberley region in the northwest of the continent. A temporal sequence of visually distinctive figurative styles is presumed to span periods of cultural change and major climatic events. As the nature and course of these changes are poorly understood, this paper investigates the relationships between continuity and change in the stylistic attributes of the selected anthropomorphic figures in the rock art assemblage. Some previous Kimberley rock art researchers have argued for an abrupt discontinuity in the art assemblage between the Wararrajai Gwion (the most recent of the Gwion styles) and Painted Hand Periods (formally Clothes Peg Figure and Clawed Hand Periods respectively), while others have argued for more gradual change. Based on the study of 204 rock art sites from 15 site complexes, which included a total of 7,579 motifs and 3,685 identifiable anthropomorphic figures, we identify the core characteristics of anthropomorphic figures in each of the established stylistic periods and show that there is no evidence to support notions of an abrupt discontinuity of art through time. Rather, attribute preferences changed gradually, existing as clades of variation rather than discrete units, with identifiable threads of continuity and periods when certain attributes (core characteristics) are preferentially adopted. A quantitative analysis supports our interpretation.

The practice of historical archaeology is often interdisciplinary, but the relationships between archaeology and other disciplines are not often explicitly analysed. A characteristic national strand of archaeology, which crosses the boundaries between historical and Aboriginal archaeology, is developing in Australia. So it is timely to consider specific ideas for relating Indigenous oral history and historical archaeology. In our research partnership with Yarrawarra Aboriginal Corporation, which was aimed at understanding Aboriginal place knowledges, we develop the concept of conversation for analysing the research process between archaeology and oral history. We define co-opting conversations as the most usual conversations engaged in between disciplines, research paradigms and between scientific and Indigenous knowledges. We then identify several more productive kinds of conversation that occurred between oral history and archaeology in our research: intersecting, parallel, complementary and contradictory. We found contradictory conversations, usually regarded as failures by other researchers, yielded the most productive analytic understandings. As a result of these different types of conversations we were able to produce a richer understanding of "placeness" ('sensu' Mayne and Lawrence 1998). The richest understandings of place at Yarrawarra develop only through such interdisciplinary conversations.

Invasive predators can impose strong selection pressure on species that evolved in their absence and drive species to extinction. Interactions between coexisting predators may be particularly strong, as larger predators frequently kill smaller predators and suppress their abundances. Until 3500 years ago the marsupial thylacine was Australia's largest predator. It became extinct from the mainland soon after the arrival of a morphologically convergent placental predator, the dingo, but persisted in the absence of dingoes on the island of Tasmania until the 20th century. As Tasmanian thylacines were larger than dingoes, it has been argued that dingoes were unlikely to have caused the extinction of mainland thylacines because larger predators are rarely killed by smaller predators. By comparing Holocene specimens from the same regions of mainland Australia, we show that dingoes were similarly sized to male thylacines but considerably larger than female thylacines. Female thylacines would have been vulnerable to killing by dingoes. Such killing could have depressed the reproductive output of thylacine populations. Our results support the hypothesis that direct killing by larger dingoes drove thylacines to extinction on mainland Australia. However, attributing the extinction of the thylacine to just one cause is problematic because the arrival of dingoes coincided with another the potential extinction driver, the intensification of the human economy.

The raw material, method of manufacture and modification of a ground-edged hatchet-head found at Vaucluse in Sydney provides evidence for the movement of stone tools from west of the Great Dividing Range to the coast. Such evidence adds new knowledge about social relationships between different groups in southeastern Australia and patterns of exchange that existed in the past.

Examples of striped marsupial depictions have been reported from both the coastal and inland Pilbara. Many are regarded as images of the thylacine, an animal that disappeared from mainland Australia some 3000–4000 years ago. Also observable in the rock art is the 'fat-tailed macropod', a distinctive rendition of a marsupial with an extremely thick tail. Recent investigations in the Tom Price area and on the Burrup Peninsula confirm that both motifs pertain to the more ancient rock art corpus. Restricted artistic variation within the depiction of these two species confirms the trend to naturalistic style within animal subjects and suggests a extensive, culturally cohesive, artistic tradition across the Pilbara during the Pleistocene and early Holocene. At two specific locations, aspects of the rock art may be explained in terms of contemporary oral traditions and cultural practices, affording one way of placing temporal parameters on these early graphic traditions. I argue that the rock art is not just representational; that it communicates mythological narratives and behavioural traits, which have a deep antiquity to the Dreaming of more than just a few thousand years.

In Australia the seriousness of domestic violence is reflected in part by the on-going attention it receives from academics, public and community sector commentators, legal authorities and the police. Likewise, it can be suggested that the increase in public awareness about the seriousness and prevalence of domestic violence can be attributed to the manner in which authorities have handled the very reporting of the problem. In this article the authors seek to illustrate and contrast some of the ways in which domestic violence has been managed over time and place. To develop this contrast, they compare recent (primarily Australian) western material with historical examples taken from early modern England. The focus of the discussion is on how intervention into domestic violence has shifted from a decidedly community-based to an authority-based system of monitoring social relations. They argue, in seeing many aspects of this trend reversed, that there are good reasons for a more localised and community-based treatment of domestic violence.